Polar Questions in Ṅjò Kóo

Abstract

The claim in some quarters is that polar question marking particles cross-linguistically occur either clause-finally or clause-initially. This paper, adopting the minimalist framework of generative syntax, investigates polar questions in - observes that which appears to mark such questions in the language is immediately preceded by the subject DP. The paper argues that a clause final hightone that shows up in such questions in the language cannot be the marker of polar question because the same item occurs in focus constructions. The paper therefore proposes that syntax of polar questions in -Kóo involves two probes: Inter (interrogative head) and Emph (emphatic head), with each capable of triggering displacement operation. The first, , has an Inter-EPP feature which is valued and deleted by moving the matching goal to its specifier position; while the second, the clause final high-tone, has an EPP feature that provokes pied-piping of TP to spec-EmphP. Given the fact that any clause expression containing the high-tone without does not pass as polar question in -Kóo, the paper concludes that only licenses the occurrence of the high-tone in the question clause.